Shootings, land disputes, political arrests, the Khmer Rouge tribunal, ASEAN and the death of King Father Norodom Sihanouk are just some of the stories that made major headlines in 2012. Photograph: Phnom Penh Post
Death of a king
Known as the “King Father” since he abdicated in 2004 in favour of his son Norodom Sihamoni, Sihanouk played a multitude of roles over decades of change but remained a symbol of unity for many Cambodians.
He pushed to secure independence from France, granted in 1953, and then abdicated the throne – the first time – to become prime minister.
His decision to ally with the Khmer Rouge after being deposed in the 1970 coup has been criticised for encouraging many Cambodians to throw their support behind a force that would later prove one of the most damaging in history, responsible for the deaths of nearly two million people from 1975 to 1979, during which time Sihanouk was kept under house arrest in Phnom Penh.
After the regime fell, Sihanouk became the face of opposition forces countering the Vietnamese presence. After virtually brokering the Paris Peace Accords and an end to the conflict in 1991, Sihanouk returned to Cambodia and took the crown once again in 1993. All along, meanwhile, he struggled with mounting health problems that saw him returning ever more frequently to Beijing for treatment.
In the two months since his passing, government officials have constantly evoked Sihanouk in speeches and cancelled Phnom Penh’s Water Festival out of respect. Mourners continue to wear black ribbons, display his picture and pay respects at the Royal Palace, where his body will rest until his funeral on February 1. Following a procession around the city, the body will be taken to the crematorium currently under construction near the National Museum and cremated on February 4.
An activist slain
Wutty was killed after encountering military police while travelling with two journalists to photograph evidence of alleged illegal logging by the Timbergreen company in the Cardamom Mountains.
A vocal critic of military and NGO complicity in illegal logging, Wutty had faced off several times against military police in dangerously aggravated confrontations.
But it was the run-in with military police officer In Rattana, several other members of the armed forces and Timbergreen security guard Ran Boroth that proved fatal for both Wutty and Rattana.
The military’s explanations of the deaths long remained inconsistent, with one version holding that Rattana was killed when one of his own bullets ricocheted, and another stating that after killing Wutty, Rattana shot himself – with his AK-47 no less - in regret.
The official version eventually put forward by a government committee claimed Rattana shot Wutty because of a personal argument, and then Boroth accidentally shot Rattana with Rattana’s own weapon while trying to disarm him.
Rights groups and Wutty’s family called this explanation a ludicrous cover-up and criticised the investigation for not questioning key witnesses.
In early October, the Koh Kong Provincial Court dropped Rattana’s charges because he and Wutty were dead.
Later that month, the court charged Boroth with accidentally killing Rattana and gave him a suspended two-year sentence that saw him walking free less than two weeks later.
Critics blasted these decisions, which stood in stark contrast to the conviction and heavy sentence for independent radio owner Mam Sonando.
A shooting in Kratie
According to residents, Chantha was killed as hundreds of armed civilian and military police, supported by a helicopter, violently evicted 1,000 families involved in a long-running land dispute with Russian rubber firm Casotim, which the government had granted a 15,000-hectare economic land concession in the area.
However, as news of the incident ricocheted across a horrified nation, the government maintained that its forces had been quashing a secessionist plot supported by the Association of Democrats – an explanation rights groups derided.
Villagers also rejected this claim, saying they had just wanted land titles and had been unarmed.
In the months following, Cambodian authorities used the so-called secession to crack down on several perennial thorns in its side – most notably Mam Sonando, independent Beehive Radio station owner and Association of Democrats president, who had vocally criticised the government.
Sonando was arrested on several charges including “insurrection” and “incitement of the people” and placed in pre-trial detention in Prey Sar, where the 71-year-old fell ill.
Others the government identified as “secessionists” testified against alleged leaders like Sonando in return for immunity.
On October 1, the Phnom Penh Municipal Court sentenced Sonando to 20 years, prompting outcry from rights groups and international observers. Bun Ratha, a supposed leader in hiding, was given 30 years in absentia.
Despite support from such luminaries as US President Barack Obama, Sonando appears to be receiving few breaks; just last month, the court denied a bail request.
Senior Adhoc investigator Chan Soveth, meanwhile, faced questioning last month, too, in relation to aiding the “secessionists”, a charge Soveth denies. Though he was not detained, Soveth was ordered to report his movements to the court – a move that would doubtless have a serious impact on the work of a rights investigator.
Whether that is the last of it, or whether others will fall under the Kratie secession tale, remains to be seen.
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